Make no mistake; US President Donald Trump’s desire to make peace with Russia has changed everything in Brussels. This is particularly relevant when it comes to security and defence policy. Washington’s desire to extricate itself from its historic commitments to Europe is forcing the EU to finally get serious about its defence capabilities. After decades of inaction, America’s abandonment of Ukraine – and President Trump’s parroting of Russian narratives – has ushered in a new era of defence integration across the EU.

Increased military spending – and how to facilitate it – is now a dominant theme of conversation in Brussels.

Just this week, Denmark – with a population not much bigger than Ireland’s – was the latest member state to announce an immediate increase in military spending to over 3% of its GDP (Ireland spends just 0.2%). Austria – also a neutral EU member state – recently purchased 12 Italian made fighter jets to improve its strategic capabilities.

But while Europe – including Britain – are engaged in detailed planning about how to enhance their military capabilities, Ireland remains totally disconnected from this new reality.

Dublin is still unable to seriously engage with crucial security matters in Brussels. Underpinning this detachment is Ireland’s lack of credibility on all things defence related.

The truth is that Ireland is a laughing stock in Brussels. A wealthy, apparently committed member of the EU who couldn’t be bothered to even properly defend their own island, let alone protect the 75% of vital Transatlantic undersea cables that run through or near Irish waters.

A nation that sends its Navy ships out on patrol without working guns, that depends on Britain’s Royal Air Force to patrol its skies and – perhaps most embarrassingly of all – sends its fishermen to warn off the Russian navy from its critical undersea infrastructure.

In Brussels, many EU member states feel that Ireland uses its policy of neutrality as an excuse for ignoring its basic defence responsibilities.

Neutrality is also commonly regarded as a smokescreen to hide Ireland’s miniscule spending on its own defence forces (0.2% of GDP compared to an EU average of nearly 2%). Most of the EU, particularly those states from central and eastern Europe – are exasperated at Ireland’s lack of urgency on security matters.

Most galling of all for other EU states, is the refusal of Ireland’s political class to understand the new European realities. Taoiseach Micheál Martin’s recent assertion that Ireland has to ‘up our game’ on security issues was viewed as a bad joke in Brussels.

It’s not hard to understand the EU’s exasperation. The reality is that our Defence Forces have been set up to fail by successive Irish governments. Underfunded, undermanned and desperately low on morale our brave soldiers, sailors and air personnel are working in an impossible situation. Ireland’s actual equipment gap reads like a shopping list of basic military essentials. Despite being viewed as a priority for many years Ireland is still without a primary radar system.

Essentially, our defence forces are blind to what (and whose) aircraft are crossing Irish skies.

We possess no undersea capabilities which are now essential to protect Transatlantic data and information cables. Our lack of air combat or intercept capability (we have no jet aircraft) renders Ireland open to all (and any) seeking to cause havoc to the EU.

And we don’t even have the capabilities to transport the meagre equipment we do possess given our lack of transport specific helicopters or aircraft.

To regain credibility in Brussels, Ireland must finally adopt a realistic approach to its own defence and security. The existing commitment of the Irish Government to raise defence spending to €1.5bn by 2028 will neither be transformational or appropriate.

The geopolitical context has completely altered and Ireland’s attitude to its security and defence must reflect these new realities. The current projected level of spending will not be enough to significantly increase Ireland’s military capabilities.

Neutrality does not mean that Ireland should remain defenceless. Nor does neutrality imply that Ireland should shirk its responsibilities as an EU member state.

As a borderland EU member, Ireland has a responsibility to patrol and protect its North Atlantic hinterland. It is a task Ireland continues to fail miserably. Moving forward, Ireland needs to imply less of its preachy, ‘everybody loves us’ faux humanitarianism. It’s a busted flush of a strategy that is eroding what is left of Ireland’s credibility across the EU.

Instead, the Government has an immediate opportunity to set Ireland – finally – on a path that can fulfil our basic responsibilities as EU members, but also to ensure we can defend our island from those that might seek to destabilise the EU from within.

Ireland – in advance of assuming the Presidency of the European Council in 2026 – should commit to attaining Level of Ambition (LOA 3) as set out in The Commission on the Defence Forces published in early 2022.

Defined as ‘conventional capability’, LOA 3 would mean ‘developing full spectrum capabilities to protect Ireland and its people to an extend comparable to similar sized countries in Europe’.

Such an approach will have a significant economic cost, but Dublin must realise that Ireland’s current defence policy is out of date, and out of time.

It’s time Ireland finally grew up.

*Published by The Irish Mail on Sunday on 23/02/2025